I. Location
Euskal Herria, Euskadi, or Basque Country are the names most commonly used to refer to the people located on the shores of the Bay of Biscay and on the two sides of the western Pyrenees that separate the Spanish and French States.
At present, what has been historically and culturally called the Basque Country is divided among three political-administrative structures: In the French State, le Pays Basque, and within the Spanish State, the Basque Autonomous Community and the Autonomous Community of Navarra.
The southern part of the Basque Country, located to the south of the Pyrenees, is part of the Spanish State. The population of these territories is 2,873,512 and they cover 20,644 square kilometres. The Basque language (euskera) is one of the oldest pre-Indo-European languages in Europe, and its origins are still unknown today.
II. The constant historical features
Two constant features have historically marked the Basque question:
- The difficulty of harmonizing internal relations in the Basque Country and most importantly of reaching an agreement regarding relations between the Basque Country and the State.
- The recourse to force or violence as tools to solve this problem.
III. The history
The disagreements have deep historical roots (some historians trace them back to the 15th century). In the Basque provinces, there has traditionally been a tendency to defend a different social reality or identity, one that includes a different language, a different culture, and different customs. Numerous conflicts and wars occurred prior to the 19th century because of an annexing or centralizing rationale of Kingdoms or States that wished to incorporate the Basque provinces into their territory and to exercise sovereignty over the Basque people. In this context, Basque nationalism emerged as a political movement a little more than 100 years ago.
IV. Under Franco
In the 20th Century the Fascist dictatorship (1936-1975) considerably aggravated the Basque problem. It violently suppressed all symbols of Basque identity and all forms of self-government. The dictator Franciso Franco believed in one unified Spanish state, opposing regional diversity. He banned the use of the Basque language, Euskera, and prohibited various expressions of the Basque culture. In 1958 Basque Homeland and Freedom (Euzkadi Ta Azkatasuna; ETA) was born as a response to this repression. Franco died in 1975 and the regime gave way to the Monarchy of Juan Carlos I de Borbón.
V. Democracy
At this time, the Transition process towards democracy began. A new Spanish constitution was approved in referendum on December 6, 1978, which guaranteed the right to autonomy for the Basque Countryıs nationalities and regions. A system of self-government was later negotiated for the three territories that were to become the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country. Some examples of the powers transferred to the Autonomous Community include: an autonomous police force, the creation of the Basque radio/TV station, and education and health systems.
Almost 30 years after the Transitionıs beginning, two major problems still plague the Basque Country: persisting violence and deep political disagreements on the framework of relations between the Basque Country and the Spanish State. After all this time, a basic consensus has still not been reached that could integrate all the political traditions. This has not been achieved by the Spanish Constitution, the Statutes of Autonomy, or the various Pacts for the pacification and normalization of co-existence that have been attempted. An example of one of these pacts is the Ajuria-Enea Accord, which was signed in January 1988 by all political parties with parliamentary representation. The pact set out to establish a single strategy and to give an image of unity and cohesion in the face of the violence of ETA.
VI. The history and violence of ETA
ETA was formed as a protest against what they considered to be a passive attitude on the part of the moderate nationalists and against the Franco dictatorship. Its main purpose is to create an independent Basque state that would incorporate the Pays Basque in France with the Basque territories in Spain. During the first ten years of ETAıs existence, it limited its activity to propaganda. However, violence, such as bombs, sabotage, and robbery, slowly became its preferred method for achieving political goals. The first death resulting from ETAıs actions occurred in 1968 and since then, the violence and deaths have continued, aimed at targets such as politicians and journalists.
The vast majority of Basque society actively rejects the violence of ETA, while a minority sympathizes with it, justifying it as an exercise of self-defense. Throughout its history ETA has caused around a thousand deaths. It has called two major ceasefires: one in 1989 during the failed negotiations in Algiers with the Socialist government of Spain and in 1998, leading to 14 months of non-violence. In recent years the violence of ETA has particularly struck hard at non-nationalists, leading to a climate of extreme political tension.
VII. The figures of the violence
VIII. Basque society
Basque society is diverse in its political identification and in its feelings of belonging to a nation: some people want a Basque Country independent from Spain, others want to maintain the status quo, and others would like a framework of self-government that gives the Basque people the capability to decide their future. All the opinion tolls in the last 10 years, and even the last elections, show that a majority of the Basque society: (a) firmly rejects violence; (b) considers that there are political problems that must be solved; (c) is firmly in favor of dialogue; and (d) wants the capability to express its opinion on its future status.
IX. The cores of the central debate
There are three stances in the current debate: (1) ETA considers that the end to its violence should come about as a result of what it considers a basic assumption: self-determination; (2) the Spanish government trusts in the police solution and the isolation and banning of Batasuna (a pro-independence political party that shares the objectives of ETA); and (3) the majority of Basque society believes the application of a peace process model similar to the Irish one (non-violence, dialogue and consultation of the people) will best address the conflictıs issues.
X. The results of the last elections in the Basque Autonomous Community
- PNV-EA: Nationalist coalition, governs in the Basque Autonomous Community with IU.
- IU: Party of the Left, governs with the nationalists in the Basque Country.
- PP: Center-right Conservative, governs in Spain.
- PSE: Socialist party (Social Democrats), the first party of the Opposition in Spain.
- EH: Pro-independence Left, now called Batasuna.
The political parties and their ideologies and goals
- Basque Nationalist Party (PNV): The PNV is the majority party of the Autonomous Basque Community. It has been governing this region, through diverse coalitions, since the first democratic elections after Francoıs government. It is a Christian Democratic party that totally rejects the violence of the ETA and defends a new agreement of free association in the Spanish state.
- Basque Socialist Party (PSE): The PSE forms a part of the Spanish Workersı Socialist Party, which, for its part, is integrated into the International Social Democrats. During various legislatures, it shared the government of the Autonomous Basque Community with the PNV, and in the present, it presents itself as an alternative. It defends a federal state and proposes a reform of the Autonomous Statute that doesnıt question the unity of Spain. Many of its members and elected leaders have suffered deadly attacks by the ETA, which obliges them to continuously be escorted by bodyguards.
- Popular Party of the Basque Country: The Popular Party of the Basque Country is integrated with the Spanish and European Popular Parties. In relation to the Basque conflict, it rejects its political character and doesnıt consider it necessary to introduce any modification in the existing judicial legislature.
- Batasuna: Batasuna is a Left pro-independence party that was illegalized by the Spanish courts in 2002. It does not publicly condone the violence of the ETA and it believes that the solution to the Basque conflict lies in the recognition of the Basque countryıs Right to Self-Determination.
- Eusko Alkartasuna: The EA appeared from a split inside the PNV. It defines itself as Social Democratic and pro-independence, and completely rejects the violence of the ETA. Since its birth it has formed part of various government coalitions. In the present, it shares the demand for a new agreement of free association of the Spanish state with the PNV and the IU.
- United Left (IU): The IU is a coalition of Left parties, among which is found the Communist Party of the Basque country. It maintains a federated relationship with IU at the state level and it forms a part of present coalition government in the Basque Autonomous Community with PNV and EA.
Navarre
In Navarre, besides the regional versions of the Socialist Party, the PNV, the EA, and the IU, other relevant parties exist.
- Navarre Town Union: UPN is the majority party in Navarre. It is associated with the Spanish PP and has governed the community during the last legislatures. In relation to the Basque problem, it rejects the necessity of a dialogue process and defends the validity of the present judicial-political framework. Its public figures are also targets of attacks and threats.
- Navarre Democratic Convergence: CDN emerged from a split within the UPN. In the present, it forms a part of the government with the UPN but defends significantly different positions. In relation to the Basque problem, it is in favor of dialogue with the Basque Autonomous Community and defends a new relationship of better cooperation in areas of common interest.
- Aralar: Aralar was also born of a split, this one inside Batasuna. It labels itself as pro-independence but publicly rejects the ETAıs activities. Its pro-independence project believes it is necessary to take all existing administrative frameworks into account, as well as the political majorities in the present.
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